Policy Points from Iowa Fiscal Partners

Posts tagged tax loopholes

A Roadmap for Opportunity: It’s Time to Put Iowa on the Right Path

Posted October 9th, 2018 to Blog

181009-roadmap-logoIowa can unlock the potential of each individual and allow all workers to share in the fruits of their labor by making public investments in the foundations of a strong economy. Well-resourced schools, access to higher education, decent wages and protections, economic supports, clean water and renewable energy, and a cleaned-up tax system, all can pave the way to opportunities and broadly shared prosperity that Iowans want.

Unfortunately, policy choices have put us on a road that prioritizes corporate profits over worker wages and corporate tax cuts over the public investments that allow for a strong, sustainable economy. We are at a crossroads and our policy choices today and in the near future can either pave the path to economic opportunity in every corner of our state, or create roadblocks to prosperity for everyday Iowans.

Our people-first roadmap offers the way forward. It lays out the evidence-based, responsible solutions to our state’s most pressing issues, pinpointing several stops along the way that would mark progress for our state, such as:

pinCreating the workforce of our future and ensuring our children reach their potential. Iowa can and should ensure K-12 schools receive the funding they need for every child to succeed, no matter where they live. We also must restore our commitment to higher education with more state support, lower tuition, and aid to reduce student debt.

pinBoosting economic security and supports for working Iowans. Giving Iowans’ lowest wage workers a long overdue raise, ensuring workers get paid what they’re legally owed, shoring up our system of compensation for workers who get hurt on the job, and restoring worker rights to collective bargaining can ensure that all Iowa workers are getting a fair deal. Iowans also need a boost in child care assistance, which can make or break the ability of a family to work.

pinRestoring a public commitment to the health and well-being of every Iowan, particularly seniors and people living with disabilities. Reversing the privatization of Medicaid and pursuing cost savings through innovation and efficiency rather than reduced services and worker wages are critical steps to ensuring access to health care for all Iowans — now and in the future.

pinEnsuring clean water and renewable energy for a healthy, sustainable Iowa. We can and must balance the state’s need for clean and abundant water with our agricultural economy by reducing water pollution. Likewise, Iowa should restore its legacy of leadership in renewable and efficient energy in order to create a cleaner, greener state for future generations.

pinCleaning up and restoring balance to the tax code. Right now, Iowa asks the lowest income Iowans to pay a higher share of their income in state and local taxes than those with the highest incomes. We can fix this by cleaning up corporate tax loopholes that squander precious public dollars that could otherwise be invested in shared opportunity for Iowans.

Iowa is at a critical juncture. We can take the high road that leads to progress and shared prosperity, or go down a dead end. The policies in this roadmap provide a clear route to a stronger Iowa. For more detail on each stop on the roadmap, please click here.

Congressional tax bills: New loopholes

Posted November 22nd, 2017 to Blog

To most people, tax reform means closing loopholes. To those in Congress pushing an overhaul of federal taxes it apparently means the opposite. The House and Senate tax bills would reopen a number of loopholes used by high-income taxpayers to shelter income from tax, and create a huge new one. Without shame, they are calling this “tax reform.”

First, the new loophole. This one is doubly ingenuous, touted as a “reform” that helps “small business.” It allows individuals who receive income from a business that they own (if that business is not a corporation) to pay no more than the 25 percent individual income tax rate on that income. Here’s the thing: Most truly small businesses are already in that tax bracket, or lower, because they have less than $250,000 in business income; these taxpayers get no benefit from the bill.

So who would benefit? Almost 70 percent of this “pass-through” income goes to the richest 1 percent of taxpayers. They are hedge fund managers and real estate developers who own a non-corporate business, and who now pay tax at one of the top rates for individuals (up to 39.6 percent). This pass-through loophole is no help to small businesses; it is a gift to the rich, and a very costly one indeed: $597 billion over 10 years.

Now for the loopholes re-opened. If you are an ordinary, hard-working middle income taxpayer you probably have never had to worry about something called the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT). That’s because you didn’t have income from incentive stock options, you didn’t take an oil depletion allowance, you didn’t claim net operating losses. In short, you didn’t have the kinds of income that escape taxation. You had mostly wages and salaries, which are fully taxed.

The AMT originated in the late 1960s and was supposed to ensure that those with preferentially treated income or large deductions paid at least some minimum amount of income tax. Donald Trump, for example, was required to pay an additional $31 million in 2005 because of the AMT. (We know this because of the partial tax return for that year that was made public.) Without the AMT, tens of millions of his income would have escaped taxation.

The AMT does need fixing; it does not succeed in taxing all kinds of preferential income, and many of the very rich still find ways to avoid tax. But instead of fixing it or replacing it with something better, this bill would just eliminate it permanently, at a cost of $696 billion over 10 years, a big chunk of the total cost of the bill.

In the name of tax reform, congressional Republicans are opening the loophole floodgates for high-income taxpayers; these two measures will cost $1.3 trillion. That means another $1.3 trillion in federal deficits, or in cuts to programs like Medicare and food assistance, to keep wealthy donors happy.

Peter Fisher, research director of the Iowa Policy Project

Leveling the playing field

Posted December 11th, 2014 to Blog

Small business owners get it: They follow the rules, but preferential treatment for giant companies puts them at a disadvantage.

Case in point: Lora Fraracci, who had an excellent guest opinion in today’s Cedar Rapids Gazette about practices big companies use to avoid paying U.S. taxes. The problem is not exclusively an issue with the lax U.S. tax code. It is a big problem at the state level as well.

Ms. Fraracci runs a residential and commercial cleaning business. As she noted:

“As a small-business owner in Des Moines, I play by the rules and pay my taxes to support our American economy. I create jobs that will continue to support our local economy. When the playing field is so uneven it makes it hard to realize this dream.”

The issue has been receiving some national attention, but many may not realize the prevalence of this problem and its extension to state taxes. While Ms. Fraracci and other small businesses, or Iowa focused businesses, follow the rules, large companies they may serve can find a way to either (1) avoid the rules, or (2) block stronger rules.

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership has written about these issues for some time, and the reports are on our website.

The biggest Iowa breaks come in two ways: tax loopholes and tax credits.

Tax loopholes have been estimated to cost the state between $60 million and $100 million a year. Loosely written law is an invitation to big companies’ lawyers and accountants to find ways to lower their firms’ taxes. Multistate firms can shift profits to tax-haven states and avoid taxes they otherwise would be paying in Iowa. That creates the uneven playing field Ms. Fraracci sees.

Iowa could fix this by adopting something called “combined reporting,” which the business lobby has fought tooth and nail when proposed in the past by Governors Tom Vilsack and Chet Culver. Many states — including almost all our neighbors (Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Kansas and Nebraska) — already do this. See our 2007 report, which remains relevant because Iowa has refused to act.

Tax credits are particularly costly, rarely reviewed with any sense that they will be reformed. This is illustrated best with the Research Activities Credit, which provides a refundable credit to big companies to do something they are likely to anyway: research to keep their businesses relevant and competitive.

In 2013, that credit cost $53 million, with $36 million of that going to companies that paid no state income tax in Iowa. The default position must be that this is wasted money, because it is never reviewed in the regular budget process the way other spending is examined every year — on schools, law enforcement, worker protection and environmental quality. In Iowa, spending on tax credits is spending on autopilot.

Read here about Iowa’s accountability gap on tax-credit spending.

Looking ahead, as a new legislative session approaches and we hear repeatedly that things are tight, keep these points in mind to better understand the real fiscal picture facing Iowa. The more small-business owners understand this, the more likely pressure can build for real reform.

Owen-2013-57  Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director, Iowa Policy Project

Hyperbole Alert: The drumbeat to cut corporate taxes in Iowa

Posted July 24th, 2013 to Blog
Mike Owen

Mike Owen


The figure practically screams at you, even when it’s not in all caps, when the conversation comes to corporate tax rates in Iowa.

Here’s the thing: It’s not a real number. Not really.

That is what is known as Iowa’s “top marginal rate” on corporate income tax. And it’s not a real number because it simply does not — cannot — reflect what a business pays on all its profits. Yet that is the implication when people (especially politicians) or corporations complain about it.

A top Iowa columnist, Todd Dorman of the Cedar Rapids Gazette, this week discussed the political battles over Iowa’s latest gigantic subsidies to Egyptian fertilizer company Orascom. In his piece he expressed a note of concern about the hyperbole in those battles. Then, he turned the discussion to Governor Branstad’s desire for cuts in corporate income taxes.

It is in that discussion where the hyperbole typically has been the strongest in Iowa. We are often told — as Dorman noted — that Iowa’s top corporate income tax rate is the nation’s highest. Note the emphasis added on “top.” More on that in a moment. Dorman also noted, accurately, that Iowa “has four brackets and a tangle of special interest credits.”

Because of the latter, any serious concern for our corporate friends should evaporate. Because they’re really being taken care of quite nicely, thank you, by their friends in the General Assembly and the Governor’s Office.

Now, about that “top rate.” It applies only to Iowa-taxable corporate profits above $250,000. Iowa doesn’t tax any profits from sales outside the state, so the rate doesn’t apply at all there, which for many businesses is a significant share of profits. For all taxable profits below $250,000, rates are lower — 6 percent on the first $25,000, 8 percent on the next $75,000 and 10 percent on the next $150,000.

Before these rates kick in, the business gets to deduct half its federal income tax from taxable income, and may have other deductions or ways to shelter income from state tax.

Then, after the rates are computed and the taxes determined, the tax credits enter the picture — and state revenues exit. The state just expanded the potential for those credits by $50 million, raising the cap on a select group of credits. In the case of the Research Activities Credit, these credits not only erase all tax liability, but offer state checks for the remaining amount of the credit. Through that program in 2012, Iowa paid out almost $33 million to 130 firms that paid no income tax, because those companies had more credits than tax liability.

And you can bet the corporate execs and their accountants fully understand all these nooks and crannies in our tax code. But if you want to give them a free million or so, they’ll take it. They are smart folks, and they have proven themselves to be more skilled negotiators than Iowa’s economic development moguls.

Want to talk reform? Then recognize the real problems — that we receive less in corporate tax than we used to, and that a lot of corporate tax is not collected because of the swiss-cheese nature of our tax code. That gives us all something to talk about.

Just be ready for the hyperbole from those who don’t want to change that part of our system.

Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director

For more information about Iowa business taxes, see these Iowa Fiscal Partnership reports:
— “Reducing Iowa Commercial Property Taxes,” by Heather Milway and Peter Fisher, April 24, 2013.
— “Amid Plans to Relax Limits, Business Tax Credits Grow,” by Heather Gibney, April 16, 2013.
— “Corporate Taxes and State Economic Growth,” by Peter Fisher, revised April 2013.
— “A $40 Million Budget Hole: Persistent and Growing,” IFP backgrounder, February 25, 2013.
— “Tax Credit Reform Glass Half-Full? Maybe Some Moisture,” IFP backgrounder, revised March 23, 2010.
— “Single Factor to Consider,” IFP backgrounder, April 2, 2008.

Asleep at the Switch in Iowa

Posted July 9th, 2013 to Blog
Mike Owen

Mike Owen

Expedia, Orbitz and Priceline have caught us sleeping in Iowa.

Closing a loophole that lets those big online travel companies collect taxes on only part of sales taxes due on hotel room bookings is just one of four measures Iowa could take to lessen the drain of funds from state coffers before they are even collected.

A new paper by Michael Leachman and Michael Mazerov at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) notes the four options for states. Iowa is one of only 12 states that has failed to take any of those steps. Besides correcting the problem with revenue lost from hotel bookings, CBPP recommends:

  • Broadening the tax base to include more services. While Iowa has a fairly broad base subject to sales tax, there are many exceptions to the state’s sales tax that have been successfully achieved by the business lobby. In general terms, CBPP notes that household spending has been shifting from goods to services for decades, yet most states haven’t updated their sales taxes to reflect this fact, costing states tens of billions of dollars each year.
  • Enacting an “Amazon law” to require large online retailers to collect sales taxes. Purchases made through large online retailers such as Amazon or Overstock are subject to sales tax, but retailers aren’t required to collect them in Iowa and 33 other states, at a cost of over $20 billion a year. This puts Main Street businesses in Iowa at a price disadvantage vs. those multistate operations selling the same book, boots, chain saw or prom dress that caught an Iowa consumer’s eye.
  • Extending the sales tax to Internet downloads. As with the Amazon loophole, the sale of computer software, music, movies, and various other goods delivered on the Internet are not taxed in 23 states including Iowa — even though those states tax the same items when sold in physical stores. Lost revenue: roughly $300 million a year.

The CBPP paper is a good look at an issue Iowa lawmakers have been reluctant to address.

This is one more way research has exposed that Iowa is permitting businesses to take advantage of its residents, by pushing the costs of public services onto other taxpayers, or damming the state’s revenue stream to block funds from flowing to the state. The Iowa Fiscal Partnership already has shown how big multistate corporations avoid corporate income taxes because Iowa refuses to close corporate tax loopholes the way several neighboring states do, and how big companies benefit from the kind of property-tax breaks passed this year. The new piece by CBPP shows sales taxes also are an area where big business makes big money at Iowa taxpayers’ expense.

All of these areas remain good targets for better, more accountable tax policy in Iowa.

Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director

Will outrage translate into policy?

Posted May 22nd, 2013 to Blog
Mike Owen

Mike Owen

Oh, the outrage.

Apple Inc., is (gasp!) working the federal tax code to its advantage, exploiting loopholes in the code to legally avoid paying taxes. OK, but we’ve heard it all before.

Many are expressing outrage — not an unreasonable reaction. Senator Carl Levin of Michigan is leading hearings in Washington about the issue, noting, “Our purpose with these hearings is to shine a light on practices that have allowed U.S.-based multinational corporations to amass an estimated $1.9 trillion in profits in offshore tax havens, shielded from U.S. taxes.” He went on:

A recent study found that 30 of the largest U.S. multinationals, with more than $160 billion in profits, paid nothing in federal income taxes over a recent three year period. Zero. These corporations use multiple offshore loopholes that give them significant control over how much U.S. income they will report and how much tax, if any, they will pay.

Senator Levin is indeed shining a light on a serious issue, but you can already see the excuses coming.

As a New York Times story notes:

While Apple’s strategy is unusual in its scope and effectiveness, it underscores how riddled with loopholes the American corporate tax code has become, critics say. At the same time, it shows how difficult it will be for Washington to overhaul the tax system.

In Iowa alone, as we showed many years ago, this also happens with some big, multistate companies, which use gimmicks to get out of paying state corporate income tax. Instead of shifting profits to phantom companies in Ireland to avoid U.S. tax, these companies shift Iowa profits to shell companies in Delaware, where they go untaxed by either Delaware or Iowa. And it could be fixed, but Iowa lawmakers simply have chosen not to. Not acting, after all, is the easiest course.

Tell lawmakers privately about what’s happening and if it’s new to them, they express outrage. Wait a few weeks, and for many the outrage is gone. Frequently, the view changes to either (1) it’s something we need to accept so companies won’t move away, or (2) the issue is just too big to address.

Of course both arguments are what big business lobbyists want everyone to believe. And both are wrong.

The business lobby has obscured the fact that there would be no reason under Iowa tax law for these companies to move away if the state were to pass legislation to plug loopholes — and lawmakers certainly can do so, with a device called “combined reporting.” Read about it here.

The long and short of it: Iowa does not have to sit by while big companies drain the state’s coffers and push the bill to other taxpayers, both smaller business competitors and working families. And neither does the United States.

Posted by Mike Owen, Assistant Director

Leveling the Playing Field

Why are large multistate firms able to avoid taxes that smaller Iowa firms cannot? They can shift profits through tax loopholes. Iowa could stop it.

IFP Policy Brief

Leveling the Playing Field

How to Restore Fairness to Iowa’s Corporate Income Tax by Closing Loopholes

PDF (6 pages)

By Peter S. Fisher

Most businesses that pay corporate income taxes in this state are Iowa-based firms, and every year they dutifully pay taxes on all their business income. But increasingly these Iowa firms have found themselves competing against large multistate corporations paying little Iowa tax. These larger firms often have teams of tax lawyers and accountants devising new and better ways to avoid paying taxes in Iowa. As these firms become ever more aggressive in exploiting loopholes in Iowa tax law, the state treasury loses revenue — possibly as much as $100 million per year — and everyone else, including all those Iowa-based firms, has to pick up the tab.

Why are large multistate firms able to avoid taxes that smaller Iowa firms cannot? The short answer is that they can use a variety of devices to shift their profits from Iowa to their operations in other states where that income is not taxable. If all your operations are in Iowa, you can’t do that.

This profit-shifting can occur in Iowa because we have “separate entity” filing. By moving to “combined reporting,” Iowa would join the 20 states that have already adopted this comprehensive approach to loophole closing, including Nebraska, Kansas, Minnesota and Illinois. Four of the 20 states joined the ranks in the past three years. Combined reporting would level the playing field for small Iowa firms and large multistate companies, and reverse the sharp decline in corporate income tax revenues in Iowa over the past 15 years.[1] Combined reporting would have produced an additional $100 million in corporate income tax revenue in 2002, and $65 million in 2003, almost all of it from non-Iowa corporations.[2]

How the Profit-Shifting Loophole Works

When a firm does business not as a single entity but as a group of affiliated firms and subsidiaries, Iowa law allows the business to consider each affiliate or subsidiary as a separate business. Only an affiliate that has tax “nexus” in Iowa (sufficient business presence to make it subject to state tax) need file an Iowa tax return. This allows a firm to avoid Iowa taxes in two steps. First, it splits its operations into many affiliates with headquarters and operations in different states. Second, it sets up artificial transactions that shift profits from Iowa operations to affiliate corporations that aren’t taxable here, thereby avoiding Iowa tax on those profits.

Wal-Mart has drawn national attention recently for its use of profit shifting to avoid millions of dollars in state taxes across the country. Wal-Mart set up an affiliate firm, Wal-Mart Real Estate Business Trust (WMREBT) and transferred ownership of many (possibly most) Wal-Mart stores to WMREBT, including many in Iowa. A Wal-Mart store then leases the space from WMREBT. This rental expense is deducted from the store’s income, reducing its state income taxes.

Why isn’t the income of WMREBT taxable in Iowa, since that firm owns property in Iowa (giving it tax nexus)? Because it is a Real Estate Investment Trust, or REIT; Congress gave REITs a special exemption from federal income taxes, and states have followed suit. The rental income of REITs is exempt from federal and state corporate income taxes no matter where the REIT is located.

The Wal-Mart REIT then distributes its profits as dividends to the shareholders in the REIT, including about 100 Wal-Mart executives. The executives each own only one share in order for Wal-Mart to take advantage of the loophole: The tax exemption was intended to allow small investors to get into real estate, so the REIT must have over 100 members. The vast majority of the shares of WMREBT, however, are owned by a “shell” corporation, Wal-Mart Property, set up by Wal-Mart in Delaware. Delaware doesn’t tax intangible income such as dividends received by corporations, so the funds remain tax free. Wal-Mart Property then pays dividends to Wal-Mart Stores East, another Delaware Corporation, which is a 100 percent subsidiary of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., headquartered in Bentonville, Arkansas. This dividend income received by Wal-Mart is also tax free because of another federal (and state) tax provision: Dividends from subsidiaries are exempt from taxation. The Delaware shell corporation is necessary because some states, and the federal government, do tax dividends received directly from REITs. Because Wal-Mart receives them indirectly, they look like regular dividends. It is highly likely that Wal-Mart is using this tax ruse in Iowa, because stores here are owned by WMREBT. [3]

By paying rent to itself, Wal-Mart is able to dodge its state tax responsibility. A portion of store profits that would normally accrue directly to Wal-Mart Stores Inc. in Arkansas is sent (in the guise of rent) on a detour through three shell corporations set up in Delaware. Profits are transformed into dividends received free of state taxes by the parent firm in Bentonville. The states are left with far less Wal-Mart profits to tax. According to a Wall Street Journal article, Wal-Mart escaped an estimated $350 million in state taxes over four years through the adoption of the REIT strategy.[4]

Wal-Mart is not the only firm to adopt this strategy, and the loss in state tax revenue has prompted a number of states to try to plug this loophole or pursue legal action to recover taxes owed. Maryland Comptroller Peter Franchot is quoted as saying, “It’s an abuse that allows big companies to cheat on state taxes, and it’s wrong, so we’re going to begin to audit these companies. … These practices are going to no longer be permitted, and we’re going to seek to level the playing field for all Maryland businesses.”[5]

There are several other devices used to shift profits out of Iowa. To see how three of these work, imagine a manufacturing firm, Apex Corporation, that assembles garden tractors at a plant in Iowa. The engines are made by a subsidiary firm, Baker Co., in the state of Nevada, which has no corporate income tax. The parent corporation of both firms, Cutter Inc., is also located in Nevada.

The first profit-shifting device employed by Cutter relies on inter-company pricing. The engine manufacturer, Baker, sells its gas engines at prices well above market to the Apex garden tractor subsidiary in Iowa. This raises the costs of Apex Corporation, and lowers its reported Iowa profit and hence Iowa income tax. At the same time, the high prices make Baker Co. very profitable, but this firm is not taxable in Iowa and pays no income tax in Nevada. Thus the profits of Apex are transferred to Nevada tax-free through this internal pricing gimmick.

A similar strategy involves management fees. The parent corporation, Cutter, provides managerial consulting services to Apex, for which it charges very high fees. These fees are a deductible expense for Apex, once again lowering its Iowa profits and taxes, shifting them to the parent corporation, which pays no taxes on them in Nevada. The same result can be achieved through loans from the parent corporation to Apex. Apex is charged a high rate of interest on these loans, and that interest is a deductible expense, once again lowering its Iowa profits and Iowa tax, and shifting those profits to the parent firm where they go untaxed.

One of the most notorious devices for shifting profits involves the use of PICs (Passive Investment Companies). Toys ‘R’ Us stores, for example, set up a subsidiary firm in Delaware called Geoffrey Inc., a shell corporation that does nothing but own the trademark and license it to the retail stores. Geoffrey receives royalties from the stores for use of the name Toys ‘R’ Us, and these royalties are tax free because Delaware does not tax royalties or other intangible income. Meanwhile, the retail stores show smaller profits because they can deduct the royalty payments as an expense. This shifts profits from the states where the stores are located to Delaware, where they appear as tax free dividends. Numerous firms have used the PIC scheme to avoid millions in state taxes, including many with stores in Iowa (K-Mart, Home Depot, Burger King, Sherwin Williams, Staples, and others). There are thousands of Delaware PICs, and over 130,000 corporations in Nevada with no employees, many of which could be PICs.[6]

Closing the Loophole with Combined Reporting

In 16 states, none of these profit-shifting strategies have worked. These states have had combined reporting for many years. They include four states surrounding Iowa: Nebraska, Kansas, Minnesota and Illinois. Four more states have recently passed legislation to close these loopholes. Combined reporting became effective in Vermont for the 2006 tax year, and in Texas for 2008. West Virginia and New York adopted combined reporting this year, effective in 2009 and 2007, respectively. Bills have been introduced in Maryland and New Mexico in the current legislative sessions and the governors of Michigan, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and North Carolina, as well as Iowa, have recommended adoption of combined reporting.

Instead of allowing separate-entity filing, these states require all corporations in an affiliated group to combine their income and expenses in calculating their corporate income tax. If Iowa were to adopt combined reporting, all of those profits shifted to the Wal-Mart Real Estate Business Trust or to Baker Corp. or to Geoffrey Inc. would be included, along with all the profits of the corporate affiliate with operations in the state. Then the combined profits would be apportioned to Iowa according to the percent of total company sales transacted in Iowa.[7] Thus inter-company pricing and lending, management fees, trademark leasing, and property renting through an REIT — none of these devices matter because the profits get counted by Iowa anyway.[8]

Combined reporting effectively closes all of these profit-shifting devices, and many future ones companies and their tax lawyers might invent. With combined reporting the state would also save money and staff time devoted to challenging tax returns and taking corporations to court; many of the issues the state ends up litigating would be resolved by combined reporting.

The Iowa Department of Revenue estimated in 1994 that there would have been a minimal gain in revenue in 1992 and 1993 if combined reporting had been in place. But the department’s most recent report shows that an additional $99 million in corporate income tax revenue would have been generated in tax year 2002 if combined reporting had been in effect, and $62 million in tax year 2003.[9] In both years, 99 percent of the increased revenue would have come from non-Iowa firms (that is, firms headquartered outside Iowa). In both years, 75 percent of businesses filing an Iowa corporate tax return would have been unaffected by combined reporting.

Objections to Combined Reporting

Some will argue that the shift to combined reporting amounts to a tax increase, and that higher business taxes will hinder economic development. There are several problems with this argument. First, combined reporting is more accurately described as a method of restoring tax levels to where they were before aggressive corporate “tax planning” began in earnest to erode revenues. The corporations whose tax liabilities will be affected the most are those who have been using profit shifting gimmicks to avoid Iowa taxes. The vast majority of firms filing an Iowa return are unaffected by combined reporting. In fact, local downtown businesses in Iowa that may have to compete with companies like Wal-Mart likely would benefit from combined reporting, since they would be on a more even playing field. Some firms will even pay less in taxes.[10]

Second, state corporate income taxes are a very small part of the cost of doing business in a state and have little to do with where businesses expand, as has been well-documented elsewhere.[11]

WelcomeThird, it hardly seems fair to the majority of corporate income-tax payers that must pay tax on all their income to promote an economic development strategy that amounts to posting signs at Iowa’s borders saying, “Welcome, Multistate Corporations: Cheat on Your Taxes Here.”

Finally, combined-reporting states have, in fact, done well economically. California has the longest history with combined reporting (60 years), and an economic growth rate over that period that would be the envy of many states, including Iowa. If we look at states with a corporate income tax, only 10 of them have experienced positive growth in manufacturing employment over the past 15 years, and nine of those 10 were combined-reporting states.[12]

Opponents of combined reporting often argue that Florida adopted it, and then repealed it because it was economically harmful to the state. What they do not mention is that Florida’s version of combined reporting was quite different from that adopted by all other states.[13] Furthermore, it was abandoned because of intense political pressure from the Reagan administration, and before it could have had any effects on the economy one way or the other.

Some argue that Iowa has a perception problem when it comes to the corporate income tax: We have the highest top tax rate in the country (12 percent). Despite this, the effective corporate rate is actually quite low because of federal deductibility and single-factor apportionment. Iowa ranks almost last among the states in corporate income taxes as a percent of state business activity.[14] A portion of the revenue gain from combined reporting could be used to lower the top rate, so that the perception of corporate tax levels in Iowa is brought into line with the reality – or it could be used to lower taxes on hard-working Iowa families who are much more in need of tax relief than multistate corporations.[15]


Combined reporting would level the playing field, taxing both the small Iowa firm and the large, multistate corporation on all income earned in Iowa. It would go a long way to restoring the corporate income tax in Iowa to its position as a significant revenue source, and would prevent further erosion of the tax as more and more companies aggressively pursue tax avoidance strategies. By discouraging such strategies, combined reporting also would enhance enforcement efforts by the Department of Revenue.

Governor Culver and Governor Vilsack before him both have recognized the need for corporate income tax reform and called for combined reporting. The General Assembly should consider making this part of its tax reform efforts.

2010-PFw5464Peter S. Fisher is research director of the Iowa Policy Project. He is a Professor in the Graduate Program in Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Iowa. A national expert on public finance, his reports are regularly published in State Tax Notes and refereed journals.

[1] Peter Fisher, “Revitalizing Iowa’s Corporate Income Tax,” Iowa Fiscal Partnership, April 2006.
[2] Jay Munson, “Combined Reporting: An Option for Apportioning Iowa Corporate Income Tax,” Iowa Department of Revenue, March 2007.
[3] A spot check of county property tax records for 18 Iowa Wal-Mart stores found that all but two were listed as owned by Wal-Mart Real Estate Business Trust, with an address of 1301 SE 10th St., Bentonville, Arkansas. This is the principal place of business, even though the trust is incorporated in Delaware. The other two owners were listed as Wal-Mart Stores and Wal-Mart Realty Co, but with the same address as WMREBT (whereas Wal Mart Stores Inc., the corporate headquarters, is at 702 SW 8th St., Bentonville). At least one Wal-Mart store in Iowa, the supercenter in Oskaloosa, is operated by Wal-Mart Stores East, and probably most or even all are. It seems a safe presumption that Wal-Mart has transferred ownership of its Iowa properties to WMRBT for the purposes of avoiding state taxes.
[4] Jesse Drucker, “Wal-Mart Cuts Taxes by Paying Rent to Itself,” The Wall Street Journal, Feb. 5, 2007.
[5] Tricia Bishop, “Franchot to change policy on REIT rents,” Baltimore Sun, March 6, 2007.
[6] Michael Mazerov, “Growing Number of States Considering a Key Corporate Tax Reform.” Washington, D.C.: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, April 5, 2007.
[7] Iowa, as do all states with a corporate income tax, uses a formula to apportion the income of a multistate business to Iowa, to determine the share of the firm’s total profit that is Iowa taxable income. Iowa apportions income entirely on the basis of sales. If 25 percent of a firm’s sales are destined to Iowa, then 25 percent of that firm’s profits are taxed in Iowa.
[8] If there are foreign affiliates in the group of firms, the dividends from the foreign affiliate would not be counted. Combined reporting as practiced by 17 U.S. states means “waters edge,” not worldwide, combined reporting.
[9] Jay Munson, “Combined Reporting: An Option for Apportioning Iowa Corporate Income Tax,” Iowa Department of Revenue, March, 2007.
[10] Corporations that have an out-of-state affiliate that is losing money could end up paying less Iowa tax if the affiliate must be included under combined reporting.
[11] See, for example, Peter Fisher and Elaine Ditsler, “Taxes and State Economic Growth: The Myths and the Reality,” Iowa Policy Project, May 2003; Robert Lynch, Rethinking Growth Strategies : How State and Local Taxes and Services Affect Economic Development, Economic Policy Institute, 2004.
[12] Michael Mazerov, “Growing Number of States Considering a Key Corporate Tax Reform.” Washington, D.C.: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, April 5, 2007.
[13] Florida adopted worldwide combined reporting, not “waters edge” combined reporting that combines only U.S. affiliates.
[14] Peter Fisher, “Falling Below Average: Why Iowa Taxes Are Competitive,” Iowa Fiscal Partnership, February 2007.
[15] See the IFP backgrounder, “Next Piece of the Puzzle: After Minimum Wage, Iowa Looks at Earned Income Tax Credit,” March 2007.