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Posts tagged Peter Fisher

Spin and ideology are no substitute for good policy

Posted December 15th, 2016 to Blog

Basic RGBBrace yourselves for public policy backed by nothing but spin and ideology in Iowa. A good example: tax policy.

Senator Bill Dix, who will be the new majority leader in the Iowa Senate with a comfortable nine or potentially 10-vote edge, offers a strident approach for the coming legislative session in this story by veteran Statehouse reporter Rod Boshart:

“The states that are growing the fastest today are the ones that have recognized that economic policy and tax policy makes a big difference,” he said. “High income tax punishes people who want to work, save and make investments in our state. We need to recognize that. States that have grown the fastest the last couple of decades across our country today are the ones that have either lowered their rates, broadened their base and kept things simple or moved to no income tax at all.”

The tax cutters have a big microphone now but amplified volume does not substitute for good content. Research is clear. So are the facts, and Senator Dix is missing them.

On IPP’s GradingStates.org website, Peter Fisher sorts out the fact from fiction with so-called “business climate” rankings that are certifiably unreliable. But they get a lot of attention from legislators who want something to back their ideological approach to policy.

Senator Dix is one of three Iowa state chairs for the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, which peddles much of the nonsense about tax cuts promoting economic growth.

Notes Fisher about the ALEC analysis, “when we can compare states ranked the best by ALEC with states ranked the worst, it turns out that ALEC’s 20 ‘best’ states have lower per capita income, lower median family income, and a lower median annual wage than the 20 ‘worst’ states. ALEC’s ‘best’ states also have higher poverty rates: 15.4 percent on average from 2007 through 2014, vs. 13.8 percent in the ‘worst’ states. The states favored by ALEC include the likes of Utah, North Dakota, and North Carolina, whereas ALEC’s ‘worst’ states include New York, California, and Vermont.”

Even if the prescriptions for lower taxes, etc. were right, they would not apply in Iowa. Our state has repeatedly been shown to be average or below average by any measure on taxes paid. In fact, few states can get below Iowa on corporate taxes, something the business lobby will not admit. So we start the legislative session with competitiveness not an issue for Iowa except in the minds of well-placed lobbyists and certain legislators.

And another angle not on their agenda: accountability on the large number of tax breaks already in Iowa law — something the Cedar Rapids Gazette noted today in an excellent editorial:

Over the years, lawmakers from both parties have given away tax exemptions, deductions and credits to an array of special interests lobbying for a break. Individually, the cuts look small. Added together, they have a significant budgetary impact.

They’re sold as an economic boost, but there’s rarely any follow up to find out if the tax cuts actually delivered on those promises.

And the real path to growth — the path lined with investments in human capital and public infrastructure? We’ll see how many of those demonstrated, positive approaches to prosperity even get a hearing in 2017.

owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director, Iowa Policy Project

Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Recruiting minimum-wage jobs?

Posted December 10th, 2016 to Blog

For some time, we’ve seen Iowa House Speaker Linda Upmeyer defend inaction on a state minimum wage increase with the excuse that they’re focused on better paying jobs.

Now, many lawmakers and the business promotion groups of the Iowa Chamber Alliance are zeroed in on making sure no county or city officials should act locally to correct an indefensibly low state minimum wage of $7.25.

These folks really need to get their stories straight. It appears their real interest may be in recruiting low-wage employers.

In Saturday’s Cedar Rapids Gazette, Cedar Rapids Metro Economic Alliance policy strategist Barbra Solberg says “it’s hard for recruiting purposes to tell a company that we have 65 different minimum wages throughout the state.”

Well, which is it? Are we focused on high-paying or at least living-wage jobs, or are we actively recruiting companies that will pay the minimum wage? And how much is the Alliance hoping to give away to those companies with the “full funding” it wants for tax breaks? How much will Iowans pay for low-wage jobs?

While we’re at it, what is this nonsense about “65 different” minimums?

Four counties — not 65 — have embraced the demands of leadership and acted to raise local minimums, phasing in increases to between $10.10 and $10.75 from Iowa’s 9-year-old minimum wage of $7.25.

The Alliance does not even suggest an increase — only keeping it the same statewide “regardless of what it would be,” Solberg says. While the wage has remained stagnant, business tax credits have roughly tripled over that time.

Iowa needs a more responsible statewide wage, but local wage markets can easily justify setting that higher — as elected officials in four counties have determined is necessary to promote their local prosperity.

If uniformity is such a concern, is the Quad Cities Chamber pushing for the state of Iowa to raise the wage to Illinois’ level — $8.25 — or to Nebraska’s $9, since a statewide uniform wage is the Iowa chambers’ goal? Or are the Iowa chambers just happy to compete for the lowest wage jobs and to let Illinois and Nebraska and South Dakota ($8.55) and Minnesota ($9.50) get the better paying ones?

For an illustration of real-world ingredients of prosperity, see the analysis here by Peter Fisher of the Iowa Policy Project: http://www.gradingstates.org/the-real-path-to-state-prosperity/

A smart, high-road approach would start there, and get Iowa off the race to the bottom. Our track is already paved with excessive, costly and unaccountable tax breaks, weak services and increased poverty. We don’t need more of any of that.
owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project
Contact: mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

 

 


Connecting the dots: Tax breaks and school funding

Iowa’s revenue shortfall largely self-inflicted — education, other priorities suffer

A penchant for tax cuts over the past 20 years has left the state with a long-term revenue shortfall

Basic RGB

 

By Peter Fisher and Mike Owen, Iowa Policy Project

Iowa legislators frequently use projections of scant revenue growth to defend what has become chronic underfunding of education and other priorities. What they seldom acknowledge is that their dilemma is largely self-inflicted. A penchant for tax cuts over the past 20 years has left the state with a long-term revenue shortfall.

Indeed, the Revenue Estimating Conference in October projected that the state would take in $72 million less in FY2017 than it had projected in March. Adding $33 million to the cost of Medicaid privatization announced last month leaves the state with $100 million less for current obligations than lawmakers expected when they approved a budget offering schools only a 2.25 percent increase in per-pupil spending (Supplemental State Aid, or SSA). Over the last seven years, SSA has averaged below 2 percent. These trends are unlikely to improve for schools without large cuts elsewhere in the budget — or addressing the elephant in the room: rampant spending on business subsidies.

Iowa's growing spending on business tax credits, FY07-FY21, actual and projected

Business tax credits create part of the problemBasic RGB

Why is revenue growth a problem when Iowa has recovered better than most states from the Great Recession? Answers can be found in the growth in business tax breaks.

Business tax credits drained $200 million from the state treasury in fiscal year 2015, grew to $232 million in FY16, and are expected to cost $275 million this year. The six largest credits (or groups of credits) account for 87 percent of the total (see table).

Spending on business tax credits has grown 267 percent since 2007. Caps on individual credits and groups of credits have done little to slow growth. The cost of credits has far outstripped growth in general fund spending overall.

New tax breaks have worsened the problem

Recent measures have added greatly to the problem. The massive commercial and industrial property tax bill passed in 2013 was responsible for a $268 million cut in funds that otherwise would have been available to adequately fund education, natural resource programs, and other priorities in FY16. The impact in the current year was projected at $304 million.[1] The property tax breaks are larger than the sum of all business tax credits.

Assuming the property tax estimate holds, the combined cost of those business tax breaks identified above will drain about $579 million in revenue from the state general fund this fiscal year. At a time when the state is struggling to fund education at all levels, those business tax breaks take on added importance. And they tell us something about the state’s priorities.

Iowa business taxes are already quite competitive

Iowa has been right in the middle of the pack in how it taxes business for a long time. The most recent study of state and local taxes on business as a percent of state GDP by Ernst and Young and the Council on State Taxation shows that Iowa taxes business at 4.5 percent of GDP, just below the national average.[2]  A study by Anderson Economic Group in 2015 found Iowa’s effective tax rate on businesses to be 8.7 percent of profits, which placed it 32nd among the states, and again below the national average.[3]

State and local taxes have little effect on business location decisions

State and local taxes are less than 2 percent of total costs for the average corporation.  As a result, even large cuts in state taxes are unlikely to have an effect on the investment and location decisions of businesses, which are driven by more significant factors such as labor, transportation, and energy costs, and access to markets and suppliers. 

Tax breaks erode support for public investments in our future

The proliferation of tax incentives and business tax cuts over the past two decades has resulted in several hundred million dollars each year cut from the state budget. This has undermined the state’s ability to support quality education, from preschool through public colleges and universities. This poses serious consequences for state economic growth and prosperity.



[1] Legislative Services Agency, Fiscal Services Division. Summary of FY2017 Budget and Department Requests. December 2015, pp. 17 and 55. Includes the effect of SF 295 on state school aid as originally estimated.
[2] Ernst and Young and the Council on State Taxation, Total state and local business taxes: State-by-state estimates for fiscal year 2014. http://www.cost.org/Page.aspx?id=69654

[3] Anderson Economic Group, 2015 State Business Tax Burden Rankingshttp://www.andersoneconomicgroup.com/Portals/0/AEG%20Tax%20Burden%20Study_2015.pdf

 

Peter Fisher is research director and Mike Owen is executive director of the Iowa Policy Project (IPP) in Iowa City. IPP and another nonpartisan, nonprofit organization in Des Moines, the Child & Family Policy Center, provide reports and analysis as the Iowa Fiscal Partnership. Find reports on state budget and tax issues at www.iowafiscal.org. Contacts: pfisher@iowapolicyproject.org and mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org.

Will local wage laws spark state action?

Posted October 17th, 2016 to Blog

The pressure is building in Iowa for a minimum wage increase.

Polk County last week became the latest county to take matters into its own hands as Iowa lawmakers and Congress have left the state and national minimum wages at $7.25. Four counties have now approved minimum wage increases above $10 per hour by 2019, with one of them — in Johnson County — scheduled to be fully phased in by Jan. 1.

Within several days of that, the Iowa Legislature will convene and the ball will be in state lawmakers’ court.

In the meantime, Iowans tired of the nine-year wait for an increase may keep acting locally to boost prosperity for low-income working families — which is critical as about 1 in 5 Iowa do not earn enough for a basic-needs household budget.

Here is the current local minimum-wage lineup in Iowa:

Johnson County is currently at $9.15 in the second step of its three-step increase to $10.10 on Jan. 1, indexed to inflation after that.
Linn County has approved an increase to $10.25 by 2019 (three $1 steps, Jan. 1, 2017-19).
Wapello County will move to $10.10 by 2019 (three 95-cent steps, Jan. 1, 2017-19).
Polk County approved a wage of $10.75 by 2019 (three steps: $1.50 April 2017, $1 more in January 2018 and 2019), indexed to inflation afterward. Includes exception for workers under age 18.

There has been discussion or interest in a similar move in at least four other counties: Lee, Woodbury, Des Moines and Black Hawk. For some, this has become a county supervisor campaign issue.

The question in October is a question for January: Will the pressure of these local efforts, which are growing, be enough to force a serious debate in the Legislature on a statewide increase? And if it is, will that effort produce a wage that pushes Iowa closer to a cost of living wage? (Hint: Even $10 an hour is nowhere close.)

Stay tuned.

owen-2013-57Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project. mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org

‘Nothing to see here, folks,’ 2017 edition

Posted September 28th, 2016 to Blog

slide_taxfoundation-cropBasic flaws remain in Tax Foundation business index

The Tax Foundation released the 14th edition of its State Business Tax Climate Index (SBTCI) today (Sept. 28). The basic flaws that have rendered it of little use as a guide to state economic policy remain. While a few methodological tweaks have been made, it is still a hodge-podge of over 100 different features of state tax law, mashed together into an index number. The components are weighted illogically, and the result is a ranking that bears little or no relation to the taxes businesses actually pay in one state versus another.

The Tax Foundation acknowledges that they are not measuring actual tax levels on business, but rather the states’ tax structure. But they provide no evidence that tax structure influences business decisions. If you were a business, what would you care more about: the bottom line amount you will pay, or whether there were three tax brackets or five tax brackets involved in the calculation that got you there? The Tax Foundation would have you count brackets, and ignore the dollars.

The SBTCI has separate components for the corporate income tax, the individual income tax, property taxes, etc. So let’s consider the corporate tax component. Even as a measure of “structure” somehow, it falls short because it leaves out two major determinants of corporate income tax liabilities — federal deductibility and the apportionment rule — while including numerous minor features. As a result, the corporate tax index is a meaningless number.

Furthermore, the corporate income tax is much less important than the property tax, for most businesses. According to the Council on State Taxation, the property tax accounted for 43 percent of all business taxes, the corporate income tax just 11 percent, in 2014. Yet in coming up with the overall state rankings, the latest Tax Foundation index weights the property tax 14.9 percent, the corporate income tax 19.7 percent. That makes states with high property taxes and low corporate income taxes look much better on the index than they really are, and penalizes the states with a robust corporate income tax, a high state share of education funding, and low property taxes.

To make matters worse, the index weights change every year. This makes it impossible to know if a change in a state’s rank from one year to the next is due to a change in tax law, or just a change in the weights.

More importantly, the whole focus on business tax competitiveness is misplaced. State and local taxes are a very small share of overall business costs. What really drives state growth is the rate of new business formation. And what matters most for entrepreneurial vibrancy is the education level of the state’s residents.

2010-PFw5464Editor’s Note: Peter Fisher, research director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project (IPP), wrote this blog for GradingStates.org, IPP’s separate website devoted to promoting a better understanding of various state business climate rankings. For a look at components of state policies that can promote prosperity, see this page on the GradingStates.org site.