Iowa Fiscal Partnership / Iowa Policy Project
SHARE:
Policy Points from Iowa Fiscal Partners

Posts tagged Iowa Policy Project

AHCA: Shifting Costs to States

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE TUESDAY, JUNE 6, 2017

Cutting Medicaid Expansion: Huge Cost Shift to Iowa, Other States

IOWA CITY, Iowa (June 6, 2017) — A new report shows Iowa would have to spend almost three times what it does now to cover low-income adults who would lose health coverage under the House-passed American Health Care Act (AHCA).

To keep up the benefit to those families, AHCA would force Iowa and the 30 other states that expanded Medicaid to absorb a greater share of the cost. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), estimates the cost to Iowa to rise $192.5 million in 2021.

“This is an enormous cost-shift to Iowa, and we already have seen our state’s leaders cutting back revenues, and trying to cut more. Facing those fiscal constraints already, it is hard to see how the state could pick up those costs, which puts health coverage for many thousands of Iowans in jeopardy,” said Mike Owen, executive director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project (IPP).

The new analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities shows that Iowa’s costs would continue to soar. By 2023, the state would have to find an additional $335.8 million to maintain coverage for people benefiting from the Medicaid expansion. That would be a 288 percent increase from the cost under current rules.

“The real question is whether Iowa’s political leaders on both sides of the aisle are willing to speak up about this to assure Iowa’s senators, Charles Grassley and Joni Ernst, are aware of the decisions being put on state lawmakers’ plates,” Owen said.

Peter Fisher, IPP research director, noted that about 150,000 Iowans benefit from the Medicaid expansion, which was part of the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

“Many thousands of Iowans have health coverage now because of the ACA and the Medicaid expansion,” Fisher said. “As we have stated before, any plan to replace ACA can be judged on how well those gains are maintained.

“The House bill would at best jeopardize the gains, and with higher costs for insurance, almost guarantee far greater numbers of Iowans would be uninsured.”

The CBPP report estimates the bill would jeopardize coverage for 11 million newly eligible low-income adults who enrolled in Medicaid under the expansion.

The report is available at http://www.cbpp.org/research/health/house-republican-health-bill-would-effectively-end-aca-medicaid-expansion.

In states that adopted the Medicaid expansion, the federal government pays at least 90 percent of the expansion costs — an enhanced rate compared to the regular Medicaid program. This change cut uninsurance rates in half for non-elderly adults in Medicaid expansion states, from 18.4 percent in 2013 to 9.2 percent in 2016.

Under the AHCA, however, the federal government would pay only the regular Medicaid matching rate, 58.5 percent in Iowa, for new enrollees beginning in 2020. Anyone whose Medicaid coverage lapses for more than two months becomes a new enrollee. Because Medicaid recipients cycle on and off the program, in the space of just a few years most enrollees would be “new,” and would lose Medicaid coverage altogether unless the state came up with the millions required to keep them on.

With the loss of the Medicaid expansion, the percent of Iowans who are uninsured could rise to levels even higher than existed prior to Obamacare. That is because those individuals who received some coverage from IowaCare, and who since moved to the Medicaid expansion, would not have IowaCare to fall back on when the expansion ends.

The Iowa Policy Project is a nonpartisan public policy analysis organization based in Iowa City. IPP and the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines together analyze fiscal policy issues as the Iowa Fiscal Partnership, www.iowafiscal.org.

#    #    #    #    #

Rosy forecasts bring thorny budgets

Capitol-DSC_0119-7inA memo from the Legislative Services Agency (LSA) indicates a higher-than-anticipated cost of a special-interest sales-tax break primarily for manufacturers.

We could not afford it when Governor Terry Branstad attempted to implement it by rule in 2015, or when a scaled-back version passed in 2016, and we cannot afford it now.

But it appears likely that the new break is at least part of the reason sales-and-use taxes are flattening out, putting fresh pressure on the budget even after FY2017 cuts and continued reliance of state policy makers to push tax breaks that divert millions from critical services such as education.

There is great irony in this report coming as Governor Branstad was turning over the keys to Kim Reynolds, especially given this comment in the LSA piece by senior fiscal legislative analyst Jeff Robinson:

One potential explanation for the recent sales/use tax downturn is an underestimated fiscal impact of the sales/use tax exemption for manufacturing supplies and replacement parts. For proposed legislation in previous years, estimates of the impact of exempting manufacturing supplies and replacement parts from the State sales/use tax had been much higher.

As Robinson suggests, there was ample reason to think the cost would be “much higher” and that should have been taken into account in revenue estimates and crafting the FY17 budget.

Likewise, the four of us were present in the Iowa House chamber in 1983 when new Governor Branstad proposed a sales-tax increase, just a few months after bludgeoning his election opponent, Roxanne Conlin, with a “tax and spend” refrain. The new Governor inherited a budget shortfall right out of the gate, a product of overly rosy revenue projections by the Ray administration.

To be fair to Governor Ray, the farm crisis was unfolding back then, and the landscape was not necessarily as clear.

This time, the continuing revenue problem is due principally to out-of-control tax giveaways, which have accelerated long since Governor Ray left office. Just this one perk for manufacturing was expected to cost $21.3 million from the state budget.* However, the latest LSA analysis suggests, the cost to the state may be two or three times what was expected.

Odd that Governor Branstad, burned so early in his tenure by optimistic revenue estimates, would let this happen to his very own successor as she took office. Maybe he just forgot.

We did not forget.

 

* That cost figure grows to $25.6 million when including the dedicated revenue for local school infrastructure, and $29.2 million when including lost local-option tax revenue.

Posted by IPP Executive Director Mike Owen, IPP Founder David Osterberg, IPP Board President Janet Carl, and IPP Board Member Lyle Krewson. Owen was the Statehouse correspondent for the Quad-City Times and Osterberg, Carl and Krewson were state representatives from Mount Vernon, Grinnell and Urbandale, respectively — in 1983.


Sales-tax break didn’t add jobs

Posted June 6th, 2017 to Blog

Pushes for lower taxes on business routinely come with promises for more jobs. On that score, the more-costly-than-expected manufacturing sales-tax break has not produced for Iowans.

Since the start of the current fiscal year, when the new law took effect, Iowa manufacturing jobs are even lower than where they started. Clearly the new break did not cause the drop — a decline in manufacturing jobs started over two years ago after some recovery from the 2007-09 Great Recession. Iowa lost more than 30,000 manufacturing jobs from the peak in those years and never fully recovered. Manufacturing jobs dipped below 211,000 in April for the third time in six months, to nearly their lowest level in five years.

Thus, whatever can be said about the expensive new sales-tax break for business, creating jobs in manufacturing is not one of them.

It does appear the break is more costly than had been expected. An April memo from the Legislative Services Agency (LSA) has received significant attention in recent days, as sales-tax revenues are on pace to be down about $100 million from what was expected for the fiscal year ending June 30. The cost of the sales-tax break for an expanded list of items used in manufacturing had been projected at $21.3 million for the state.

The LSA analysis suggests that at least part of the unexpected revenue loss might be due to underestimated costs of that special sales-tax break.

It is true that the manufacturing sales-tax break was promoted on larger grounds than just job growth. In a break from its usual promotion of a hodgepodge of inequitable breaks creating a severely unbalanced playing field, the business lobby had promoted this as a fairness issue for businesses. That political strategy worked.

But increasing jobs was the steady drumbeat from Governor Branstad for his economic policies throughout the six years of his return to office in 2011, so it is reasonable to look for any job impacts.

In this case, none are immediately apparent. What we can see is that without the change, and with more careful budget projections, new Governor Kim Reynolds quite likely would not be facing the added revenue challenges she has before her.

owen-2013-57Posted by IPP Executive Director Mike Owen

mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org


An opportunity for Governor Reynolds

IFP Statement:

New Governor Takes Office Facing Issues that Demand Leadership

 Basic RGB

Statement of Iowa Fiscal Partnership • Mike Owen, Iowa Policy Project

 

Iowa-StateSealIowa has a new Governor. We cannot say that very often, as only four individuals previously held the office over the last 48 years. The swearing-in today of Governor Kim Reynolds offers all Iowans, including the Governor, an opportunity to lead us past the divisive and cloistered decision making of the last six years.

  • Over 367,000 Iowans are in poverty, including 105,000 children, despite their families’ hard work and long hours. A 12 percent poverty rate is daunting, but far greater shares of Iowa households — particularly single and single-parent households — cannot make ends meet on what they earn in our low-wage state. This imposes extra demands on taxpayers who also frequently subsidize low-wage employers due to poorly designed economic development strategies.
  • Nearly 239,000 Iowans are employed in state and local government. Legislative attacks in 2017 dishonored their service. Trust needs to be restored. That starts by recognizing the contribution of these workers to our economy, and honoring our commitments to them.
  • More than 300,000 Iowa workers — about 1 in 10 Iowans, plus the families they support — would benefit from a meager minimum wage increase to $10.10. Anything less than that is inadequate, especially when federal policy changes in the works would undermine work-support programs such as the Earned Income Tax Credit.
  • Iowa spends hundreds of millions of dollars on tax breaks that have no demonstrated net benefit to the state, while underfunding our most important investment opportunity — in public education, from pre-K through post-secondary institutions.
  • Iowa water quality is an embarrassment as well as a health hazard. It’s time to get it cleaned up and to demand that those causing the pollution contribute to the solutions.

The most controversial policy changes of 2017 came in a climate that undermined Iowa’s longstanding reputation of good governance. Backroom dealing and abbreviated debate must not become the norm.

We stated at the end of the legislative session that history “will mark 2017 as a low point in Iowans’ respect and care for each other.” Governor Reynolds could change that. The legacy of 2017 does not have to be limited to the failure of vision, and the lack of compassion, stewardship and justice, that marked the legislative session. And, it is fair to note, 2018 could be even worse unless we change course.

Governor Reynolds has a chance to help us do more, and do it better. We wish her the best, and hope she will reach out to all Iowans to achieve collaboration on the way forward for Iowa.

#     #     #     #     #

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership is a joint public policy analysis initiative of two nonpartisan, nonprofit, Iowa-based organizations — the Iowa Policy Project in Iowa City, and the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines. Find reports at www.iowafiscal.org, and the IPP and CFPC websites, www.iowapolicyproject.org and www.cfpciowa.org.

Jeopardy for women, rural health

Posted May 16th, 2017 to Budget, Economic Security

IFP NEWS — 

House bill jeopardizes health for women and rural Iowans

National reports pinpoint issues for Iowans with loss of Medicaid expansion

Basic RGB

 

Capitol-DSC_0119-240200IOWA CITY, Iowa (March 16, 2017) — The House plan to cap and cut Medicaid — and effectively end the Medicaid expansion — will have a disproportionate impact on women and hinder coverage as well in rural communities.

Two new reports by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) illustrate the challenges as attention turns to the Senate. Of particular note is the threat to the expansion of Medicaid in Iowa and 30 other states to low-income adults previously not covered.

“Previous analysis has shown the Medicaid expansion currently assures coverage to as many as 150,000 Iowans. The call to ‘repeal and replace’ the Affordable Care Act is a hollow one in that we have yet to see a replacement that protects access to health care to this vulnerable population,” said Mike Owen, executive director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project (IPP), part of the Iowa Fiscal Partnership (IFP).

A summary by IFP and CBPP of the previous House Republican plan had estimated that the earlier House Republican plan not only would cut health coverage, but also cut taxes for the wealthy while making health care more expensive for poor and rural Iowans. The report noted the Congressional Budget Office had projected the plan would wipe out all gains in health coverage achieved under the ACA.

The new reports by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities — last week on women’s coverage and Tuesday on rural communities — clarify the challenges further. (See links to the CBPP reports below.

Not only do women make up a majority of Iowa’s Medicaid beneficiaries, but they also are the primary users of family planning and maternity benefits, and are more likely to use Medicaid’s long-term services, CBPP analysts reported.

“The Medicaid expansion loss alone is critical for women, even though it is not the only impact,” Owen said. According to the analysis, women are 54.6 percent of the Medicaid population in Iowa, but 50.4 percent of the total population of the state. In addition, the report stated, 40 percent of total births in Iowa in 2010 were covered by Medicaid.

CBPP’s report Tuesday notes that Medicaid “has long played an essential role in delivering health care in rural America.” It also notes that the rural share of the 11 million people — 14 percent — who gained coverage through the Medicaid expansion is greater than the rural makeup of the population as a whole (12 percent).

Iowa is among the eight Medicaid expansion states where more than one-third of expansion enrollees live in rural areas, the report stated. It estimates 61,600 — or 44 percent of all expansion enrollees in Iowa —live in rural areas.

“If rural health matters, then clearly the Medicaid expansion needs to be a priority and not an afterthought tossed aside for political purposes,” Owen said.

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership (IFP) is a joint initiative of the Iowa Policy Project and another nonpartisan organization, the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines. Iowa Fiscal Partnership reports are at http://www.iowafiscal.org.

 

#     #     #     #     #

 

For more information, see:

Interactive map with county-by-county and congressional district breakdown of Medicaid expansion enrollment (January 2017) http://www.iowapolicyproject.org/2017Research/170325-ACA-MedicaidExp.html

IFP backgrounder, “Replacing ACA: What You Need to Know About the AHCA.” March 16, 2017. http://www.iowapolicyproject.org/2017docs/170316-acha-bgd.pdf

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities report: “House-Passed Bill Would Devastate Health Care in Rural America,” May 16, 2017. http://www.cbpp.org/research/health/house-passed-bill-would-devastate-health-care-in-rural-america

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities report: “Medicaid Works for Women — But Proposed Cuts Would Have Harsh, Disproportionate Impact,” May 11, 2017. http://www.cbpp.org/research/health/medicaid-works-for-women-but-proposed-cuts-would-have-harsh-disproportionate-impact

Health care ‘reform’ just keeps getting worse

Posted April 27th, 2017 to Blog

The House Republican plan to replace Obamacare (the Affordable Care Act) with the American Health Care Act (AHCA), which a few weeks ago failed to even come to a vote, has been reincarnated. The new version of the AHCA has apparently won the support of the Freedom Caucus in the House, but in so doing has become significantly worse for millions of Americans.

Here are the key points about this new attempt to “repeal and replace” Obamacare:

  • Despite repeated promises to keep the most popular part of Obamacare, the provision prohibiting insurance companies from refusing to cover those with pre-existing conditions, the new version returns us to the bad old days. While a particular state may choose to keep the prohibition, there is no longer any nationwide requirement that insurance companies issue affordable policies regardless of pre-existing conditions.
  • Nationwide standards for health insurance policies will be rolled back; plans will no longer be required to cover services such as mental health, maternity care, or substance abuse treatment.
  • The nationwide prohibition on lifetime and annual limits on benefits will be gone, meaning the possibility of medical bankruptcy will loom once again for many.
  • The modified version of the bill still effectively ends the Medicaid expansion; about 150,000 Iowans now covered under that provision could lose insurance altogether.
  • The bill still cuts $840 billion from Medicaid over 10 years, most of the savings going to wealthy individuals, drug companies, insurance companies, and other corporations.
  • Premiums and deductibles will still rise for large numbers of persons buying insurance on the exchanges, especially for the elderly, those with lower incomes, and those in high-cost states or areas, such as most of rural Iowa.
  • Under the bill, there would be no limit on the premium an insurance company can charge based on medical history; thus someone with pre-existing conditions could in theory be offered coverage, but at a cost that is simply unaffordable. There is little difference between this situation and straight denial of coverage. A state could choose to prohibit this practice (i.e., to keep the Obamacare provision in place), but few states chose to do so before Obamacare.

While the proponents of this revised plan may argue that it keeps the prohibition on gender discrimination, a woman would pay substantially more for a plan that included maternity coverage. Such coverage would not be a required part of all plans, but instead would be an expensive option.

Just how this revised bill would affect overall coverage rates, premiums, and out-of-pocket costs, awaits a new analysis by the Congressional Budget Office. But it is quite possible that the bill will be voted on in the house without the benefit of that analysis. Part of the pressure to pass the bill now comes from the desire on the part of the Trump administration to come up with large savings to the federal government that can then be used to finance cuts to corporate and individual income taxes.

The bottom line: worse health care coverage at higher cost to millions, loss of coverage entirely to millions more, in order to finance tax cuts for corporations (and probably millionaires as well).

Posted by Peter Fisher, research director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project. pfisher@iowapolicyproject.org

Also see Fisher’s March 2017 policy brief for the Iowa Fiscal Partnership: “Replacing ACA: What you need to know about the AHCA.”

Session Recap: ‘Historic’ — not label of pride

Posted April 25th, 2017 to Blog

By

4/22/17

IFP Statement: ‘Historic’ session not a label of pride

Legislative session hits working families and traditions of good governance

Basic RGB

Statement of Iowa Fiscal Partnership • Mike Owen, Iowa Policy Project

To describe the 2017 Iowa legislative session as “historic” is not a label its leaders should wear with pride.

Iowans needed a legislative session that worked to raise family incomes and expand educational opportunity. Iowans had long demanded water-quality improvement measures. Many called for lawmakers to address the lack of fairness, adequacy and accountability in a tax system laden with special-interest breaks and costly subsidies to corporations.

Instead, Iowans got a continued ratcheting down of funding for PK-12 public education. There were significant and serious cuts in post-secondary education that will lead to tuition increases. We saw cuts to early-childhood education and other programs that serve our most at-risk children and neglect of the child-care assistance program that helps working families struggling to get by.

The Legislature continues to demand little or nothing of industrial agriculture in cleaning up the mess it has left in our waters. Lawmakers tried to dismantle the Des Moines Water Works board, limited neighbors’ right to complain in court about pollution, and eliminated scientific research at the Leopold Center. Their ultimate action on water merely diverts resources from other priorities, such as education and public safety.

Lawmakers largely left the tax issue to the next session. An overture in the House to reform Iowa’s reckless system of tax credits was a welcome acknowledgment that this issue needs attention, but devils in the details make further discussion of this issue during the interim even more welcome.

Perhaps as troubling as the destructive nature of policy content this session, Iowa’s image of adherence to good governance took a big hit. The most controversial policy changes came not through collaborative, public discussion in committee, let alone the 2016 political campaigns, but were often dumped into lawmakers’ laps with little opportunity for amendments.

In what could accurately be called a “session of suppression,” lawmakers achieved:

  • Wage suppression, with a bill to preempt local minimum wage increases while refusing to raise Iowa’s repressive, 9-year-old minimum of $7.25.
  • Workplace suppression, gutting collective bargaining protections for public employees, and making it more difficult for Iowans recover financially from injuries on the job.
  • Health-care suppression, achieved in workers’ compensation legislation while also refusing to reverse Governor Branstad’s disastrous move to privatize Medicaid.
  • Local suppression, whacking at local government control in a variety of areas: minimum wage, legal defenses against concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), fireworks sales, and collective bargaining options.
  • Voter suppression, with a bill to make it more difficult for many citizens, particularly low-income and senior voters, to exercise their right to vote.
  • Suppression of children’s healthy development, with additional cuts to Early Childhood Iowa and Shared Visions that will reduce access to critical home visitation, child care and preschool services for some of our most at-risk youngsters.

Some legislators may boast of a “historic” session. History will mark 2017 as a low point in Iowans’ respect and care for each other, a legacy that will not be celebrated when future Iowans look back on this session and the closing act of Governor Branstad’s long tenure in office.

#     #     #     #     #

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership is a joint public policy analysis initiative of two nonpartisan, nonprofit, Iowa-based organizations — the Iowa Policy Project in Iowa City, and the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines. Reports are available at www.iowafiscal.org, and on the websites of the two partner organizations, www.iowapolicyproject.org and www.cfpciowa.org.


Lost legacy of science and research?

Posted April 19th, 2017 to Blog

Editor’s Note: The Cedar Rapids Gazette published a version of this piece online Tuesday, April 18, 2017.

While Iowans and others celebrate Earth Day on Saturday with a March for Science, many legislators have already tripped over their own votes.

Besides several cuts to higher education Iowa legislators have taken aim at particular scientific centers at the University of Iowa and Iowa State University.

With the state’s second largest city and its largest university both almost recovered from massive flooding, they attacked the Flood Center at the UI, which may survive with a 20 percent cut to reward how its data and research have helped citizens of the state.

Certainly as troubling is the pending elimination of the Leopold Center for Sustainable Agriculture at ISU, and the farming out of duties at the Energy Center at ISU to the Iowa Economic Development Authority. So much for independent research.

One thing lost in these assaults is a sense of institutional memory. Those of us who started the Leopold Center some 30 years ago found agreement to assure Iowans a lasting resource independent of industry control and other research funding. And it has worked.

Much of the research on how to reduce agricultural damage to water quality has been started by the Leopold Center — more than 600 research projects, according to Leopold’s director, Professor Mark Rasmussen.

You drink the water. You breathe the air. Are you comfortable that Iowa’s premier research universities are being blocked from conducting research on topics including water quality, manure management, livestock grazing, cover crops, alternative conservation practices, biomass production, soil health and local food systems development?

In fact, as Rasmussen notes, many practices recommended in Iowa’s Nutrient Reduction Strategy to reduce agricultural pollution — including streamside buffers, erosion control measures, and bioreactors — “were first researched through Leopold Center funding.”

Now, the history of the Leopold Center is being reinvented by lawmakers attempting to erase a three-decade, bipartisan commitment to sustainable funding of independent research. They would eliminate the publicly directed mission and turn it over to businesses.

It is hard to know if these attacks are driven by politics or corporate interest. Maybe it is just Iowa’s version of an attack on science generally.

Either way, the bill eliminating the Leopold Center has passed the Senate and Iowans have only a short time to demand more from their elected officials in the House and the Governor. Voices rising helped to save the Flood Center with only a cut. Concerned Iowans may yet save the Leopold Center, but the clock is ticking.

 

David Osterberg, a state representative from Mount Vernon from 1983-1994, is co-founder and lead environmental researcher at the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project. Osterberg and fellow legislators Ralph Rosenberg and Paul Johnson were co-authors of the law that created the Leopold Center at Iowa State University.


Today’s virtual House graphic: Risky fix to non-problem

Posted March 27th, 2017 to Blog

Under the radar at the Iowa Statehouse, a significant and dangerous change is being promoted through a proposed constitutional amendment to cap spending in a state where spending is below the U.S. average.

The amendment — approved by the Senate and soon to be considered in the House — is a gimmick rather than real reform. In fact, because the amendment would require two-thirds approval of both legislative changes to prohibit spending more than an arbitrary limit, it would impede elected representatives from making the kinds of public investments in Iowa’s children, the state’s infrastructure, and our environment that the people of Iowa say they want. To learn more about this issue, click here for Peter Fisher’s brief report for the Iowa Fiscal Partnership.

Editor’s Note: The Iowa House of Representatives now denies the ability of lawmakers to use visual aids in debate on the floor. To help Iowans visualize what kinds of graphics might be useful in these debates to illustrate facts, on several days this session the Iowa Policy Project is offering examples. In today’s graphic, we illustrate the realities of state spending in Iowa, often inflated in political rhetoric.


Curtains for tax reform

Posted March 27th, 2017 to Blog

If there’s anything we need less of this legislative session, it is back-room dealing where major changes in public policy are hatched, then rammed through the Legislature without sufficient public vetting.

Senate Majority Leader Bill Dix is quoted in media that a tax plan is coming in the next two weeks. It’s staying under wraps until then — a terrible disservice to the responsible setting of public policy. Senator Dix should pull back the curtains, right now.

But, since the senator is not going to let the rest of us in on his big secret tax plan, we should all go into this recognizing at least two major points at the start:

(1) Iowa taxes are in the middle of the pack or below average by any responsible measure, something the business lobby and far-right ideologues never want to acknowledge; and

(2) any discussion of tax changes should take a comprehensive approach that should be grounded in widely accepted principles of taxation.

Point 2 is something that is always a problem in Iowa. The typical approach is to target one tax, cut it, and move on to the next one. Meanwhile, the impact on the overall adequacy and fairness of the tax structure (two of the important tax principles), and on the critical public service that the tax system supports, is left to a “let the chips fall” mentality.

Take the curtains away, Senator Dix. It’s the business of all Iowans, right now. A late-session rush job to make a major overhaul of Iowa taxes is not only wrong from a civics-textbook standpoint, but it is bound to create problems that its authors cannot predict.

Posted by Mike Owen, Executive Director of the Iowa Policy Project

mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org