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Posts tagged Anne Discher

IPP, CFPC form Common Good Iowa

Posted August 6th, 2020 to Blog

Today we have exciting news. The Iowa Policy Project has joined with our longtime partners at the Child and Family Policy Center to formally create a new organization, Common Good Iowa.

Look to Common Good Iowa for the solid research, rigorous policy analysis and focused advocacy that Iowans have come to expect from both organizations. Expect the same attention to critical issues that you have seen from IPP over two decades — and a new, invigorated approach to advancing a bold policy agenda. By joining to together we will have more capacity to coordinate our expertise on issues and communications, and wage successful campaigns to improve the lives of every person who calls Iowa home.

The creation of one organization out of two is the result of many months of discussions among board and staff members at both IPP and CFPC. We have always recognized that as each group has focused on some issues that the other has not, we share a common focus in other areas, including budget priorities and tax policy needed to fairly and adequately support those priorities. But we also have recognized that we need to connect the dots better between these many issues if we want our friends in the advocacy community to do so as well.

Common Good Iowa will, with one voice, draw attention to policy that connects these issues for the benefit of our entire community in Iowa — as we say, “the common good.”

Since the early discussions in 2000 that led to our founding in 2001, IPP has followed the vision of a “three-legged stool” for our work: economic opportunity (to include wages, jobs, education, wage theft, collective bargaining, economic development, pensions, and work supports including child care and Food Stamps); tax and budget issues, particularly tax fairness and revenue adequacy; and energy and the environment, including policy opportunities toward clean, sustainable energy choices and better water quality.

As you may know, IPP’s work on tax fairness and tax credits, as well as some of our research and advocacy on work support and safety-net programs, has been in cooperation and coordination with CFPC as the “Iowa Fiscal Partnership.” That brand on our work will go away as we are now formally one organization.

Common Good Iowa will carry on CFPC’s example as a leading advocate in Iowa on early childhood; children’s health, development and well-being; and family economic opportunity. As CFPC has done for many years, our new organization will continue to share data, link research to policy and promote best practices for improving child well-being as part of the nationwide Kids Count initiative.

Every staff member for both IPP and CFPC has a place in the new organization. Anne Discher, who has served as executive director of CFPC, will be the executive director of Common Good Iowa, headquartered in Des Moines. We will retain an Iowa City office, with IPP executive director Mike Owen becoming deputy director of Common Good Iowa. I invite you to reach out to Anne or Mike if you have questions about this new arrangement.

The name “Common Good Iowa” was chosen after great deliberation among staff and board of both organizations. It reflects our vision of public policy in Iowa. Philosophers, economists and political scientists have long debated and defined the common good, and there’s a powerful theme that links those conversations: public systems and structures for the benefit of all people, achieved through collective action in policymaking and public service. It feels utterly right for our new endeavor.

This is a great opportunity to reimagine our work. We’re at a moment when the devastating impact of racism, intolerance in our civic discussions, and years of neglect of our public systems have been laid bare for all to see. No Iowa community can thrive when some community members are systemically deprived of opportunity by our health, educational, human service and justice systems. We must do better.

As a largely white organization, we pledge to listen to and learn from our partners of color around our state, and to be not be just not racist, but, to borrow from scholar Dr. Ibram X. Kendi, to be anti-racist: to actively advance concrete policies and practices to dismantle the persistent inequities experienced by Black, Latinx, Asian, Native and other marginalized communities. We also commit to the internal work to become an organization that itself is attractive to a diverse, talented staff.

The merger is official now, although we will be putting finishing touches on our new brand over the next months. You’ll be hearing more about how you can celebrate virtually with us when we unveil our new logo, website, social channels and policy roadmap later in the year.

Until then you can reach Common Good Iowa staff at their existing CFPC and IPP email addresses, websites and social media accounts.

Sincerely,

 

Janet Carl

Vice President, Common Good Iowa Board of Directors
Former President, Iowa Policy Project Board of Directors

IFP News: Giveaway costs grow

  • Research Activities Credit cost leaps in 2019 to record $78 million
  • Non-taxpaying companies receive record $53 million in ‘refund’ checks

IOWA CITY, Iowa (March 12, 2020) — Iowa businesses large and small made record use of the state’s generous research tax credit in 2019, a $78.4 million cost to taxpayers with most —$53.5 million — going out as checks to companies that paid no income tax.

The cost of the credit has risen 62 percent in 10 years, with very large businesses taking 78 percent of the benefit in 2019, or $60.8 million.

“Over the last 10 years, this unaccountable program has given away nearly $600 million — 73 percent of it in checks to companies that pay no state income tax,” said Mike Owen, executive director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project (IPP).

“This troubling trend comes as Governor Kim Reynolds continues to push legislators to give new tax breaks to the wealthiest Iowans at the expense of poor- and moderate-income taxpayers, and of public services including education and health care,” Owen said.

The Iowa Department of Revenue on Thursday issued its 2019 annual report on the Research Activities Credit (RAC), the 10th full-year report since lawmakers required the disclosure in 2009.

The report showed:

  • Both tax credit claims and so-called “refunds” — checks for the value of tax credits not needed to meet tax obligations — hit record levels for corporations in 2019: $55.8 million in claims and $46.6 million in refund checks.
  • The number of individual claims — by businesses filing as individuals — expanded dramatically in 2019, from 5,305 claims in 2018 to 7,083 in 2019. The cost also has grown sharply, from $11.3 million in 2017, to $15 million in 2018, to $22.5 million last year.
  • Rockwell Collins and Deere, and associated businesses, are the largest claimants as usual, accounting in 2019 for $23.4 million, or 30 percent of all claims.
  • Very large companies, with more than $500,000 in claims, accounted for 78 percent of the cost of the credit, and 81 percent of the “refunds.”

The RAC and a supplemental credit are refundable, which means companies receive a payment from the state for the amount of their credits above what they need to reduce or eliminate taxes.

“The dominance of large operations is important,” Owen said, “because this tax credit was designed to help small start-up operations. Deere, Rockwell Collins and many others do not need state help to do research, and certainly do not need refunds for taxes they didn’t have to pay.”

A special tax-credit review panel urged an end to RAC refunds for large companies in 2010. Lawmakers in recent years have acknowledged the concern about those uncontrolled subsidies but have not acted to restrain them, and the most powerful business lobbying interests have fought to keep them in place.

“How can Iowa defend giving so many millions to giant companies for research they would do anyway?” said Anne Discher, executive director of the Child and Family Policy Center (CFPC) in Des Moines. IPP and CFPC form the Iowa Fiscal Partnership, which has tracked fiscal accountability issues with the research credit since before the official annual reports were provided.

“Iowa families need access to child care, pre-K-12 and higher education, and mental health services,” Discher added. “Somehow, lawmakers can never find enough money for those public priorities. But big companies never have to worry — their entitlement keeps coming, even when they don’t owe any taxes.”

Other noteworthy elements of the report, in the context of reports for recent years, are that ethanol operations have become big users of the credit, and in 2019, there was another big jump in the number of claims by businesses filing as individuals rather than as corporations.

The amount of individual claims nearly doubled in two years, to $22.5 million in 2019, and nearly quadrupled in five years, from $5.9 million in 2014.

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership reports are available at www.iowafiscal.org.

The official Department of Revenue report is available at this link: https://tax.iowa.gov/sites/default/files/2020-03/RACAnnualReport2019_rev03112020.pdf

‘A bad idea all around’

Anne Discher

The Iowa Fiscal Partnership released the following statement today from Anne Discher, executive director of the Child and Family Policy Center, about federal guidance to states on Medicaid.

“Iowans served by Medicaid face enough challenges in our state without this additional level of uncertainty from the Trump administration.

“Already, changes in Iowa’s Medicaid program have caused a loss or reduction of health-care services to struggling families, and at a time of fresh proposals in the Legislature to further restrict access to care, the news from Washington is not good.

“The new administrative guidance for Medicaid issued by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services rips away the guarantee of coverage for adults and parents. It takes away family security by letting states choose who gets coverage and what kind of coverage.

“We have seen in Iowa what happens when states change the rules of the game on a whim. All Americans need federal guidelines that assure an expectation of care, and a transparent process so residents understand what’s at risk. 

“No matter what you call it — and you’re likely to hear phrases like ‘block grants’ or ‘per capita caps’ — it equals less less federal funding for Iowa and fewer insured Iowans.

“It does nothing to address the real health crises we face, including inadequate mental health services and the decline of obstetric care in rural Iowa. And it could threaten the state’s ability to effectively respond in times of need like during an economic downturn, an epidemic like coronavirus, or a natural disaster. 

“It’s also worth noting that legal experts raise serious questions about this proposal. It will likely result in costly litigation while trying to make it harder for low-income Americans to have affordable health insurance.

“This plan is a bad idea all around for our state.”

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The Iowa Fiscal Partnership is a joint public policy analysis initiative of two nonpartisan, nonprofit, Iowa-based organizations — the Iowa Policy Project in Iowa City, and the Child and Family Policy Center in Des Moines. Find reports at www.iowafiscal.org, and the IPP and CFPC websites, www.iowapolicyproject.org and www.cfpciowa.org

A poisoned process

Posted February 28th, 2018 to Blog

As early as today, a bill may be debated in the Iowa Senate to drastically slash revenue for public services — phased in at a cost of over $1 billion a year, or about one-seventh of the state’s General Fund.

The Senate bill, as does any legislation with a fiscal impact, comes with a “fiscal note.” This analysis by the Legislative Services Agency, using Department of Revenue data, was made available sometime late Tuesday. The legislation itself was introduced a week ago today, and passed out of subcommittee and full committee the following day.

The legislation is so complex that it took the state’s top fiscal analysts a week to put together their summary, which includes four pages of bullet points in addition to tables of data about various impacts. The nonpartisan analysis finds that the wealthiest individuals and most powerful corporations once again are the big winners.

The timing of the official fiscal analysis was only the latest example of cynical approach to public governing that has slapped brown paper over the windows of the gold-domed sausage factory in Des Moines.

This General Assembly was elected in 2016. It is an understatement to suggest that this legislation could easily have been developed through the 2017 legislative session or the months leading up to this session. The public who will be affected, and advocates across the political spectrum, could have weighed in, and independent fiscal analysis considered.

Many have tried to educate the public about what is at stake for Iowa — including the Iowa Fiscal Partnership, which among other activities brought in experts from Kansas last year to show what has happened there with similar tax slashing. IFP also offered a reminder in October of what real tax reform could include, and later about both open government and the folly of Kansas’ course. Last week, we warned about the fiscal cliff ahead.

Everyone knew the legislative leadership and Governor wanted to do something to cut taxes, but no specifics were available, just a couple of hints with no real context. The session opened in the second week of January, and it wasn’t until most had left the building on the second-to-last day of February that a fiscal analysis magically appeared.

With a more transparent and deliberate process, everyone — including and especially the legislators who will be voting on it — would have had a chance to get full information about its impacts.

Instead, it is being rammed through. Regardless of whether the legislation itself is good or bad, the process has poisoned it. And perhaps it has poisoned governance in Iowa for years to come.

There are elements of the commentary defending and opposing this legislation that show general agreement on two key points of what meaningful, responsible tax reform would entail. On both sides, there is recognition that:

•  removing Iowa’s costly and unusual federal tax deduction would enable a reduction of top tax rates that appear higher than they really are; and

•  corporate tax credits are out of control and costing the state millions outside the budget process, while education and human services suffer.

The process, however, has shielded from public view a clear understanding of how the specifics of this legislation would affect two principles central to good tax policy: (1) the purpose of raising adequate revenues for critical services, and (2) raising those revenues in a way that reflects ability to pay — basic fairness of taxation, where Iowa (like most states) has a system that shoves greater costs on low-income than high-income taxpayers.

It also has raised to the altar of absurdity a ridiculous image of the competitiveness of Iowa taxes, which independent business consultants’ analysis has shown to be lower than half the states and in the middle of a very large pack that differs little on the state and local business taxes governed by state policy. (chart below)

Ernst&YoungFY2016

As the process moves from the Senate to the House, these concepts of good governance need to be central to timely debate, not just fodder for editorial pages afterward.

2017-owen5464Mike Owen is executive director of the nonpartisan Iowa Policy Project, and project director of the Iowa Fiscal Partnership, a joint initiative of IPP and the Child & Family Policy Center in Des Moines. mikeowen@iowapolicyproject.org