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In 30 years, the share of public higher-education financed by tuition has doubled in Iowa. Meanwhile, total state support for higher education fell 22 percent.

Do these highly profitable companies need state subsidies? Would Iowa legislators choose these subsidies over funding for education, human services and public safety?

While sales tax has remained important to state and local revenues, tax policy in Iowa has not kept up with changes in the economy, particularly with online and remote sales. The Governor’s tax plan would modernize that element — but other changes could ease Iowa’s overall regressive tax structure.

The proposed expansion of Iowa’s 529 program adds administrative complexity, reduces revenue for other needs, and disproportionately benefits high-income families.

The plan includes some desirable reforms that need not have come at the expense of essential public services that inevitably will have to be cut in the face of revenue losses. It also omits reforms that could enhance Iowa tax fairness. 

Neither fairness nor adequate funding of state services appear to be the focus of either bill, but let's give serious analysis a chance.

We start off the legislative session not knowing where the funding will come from to maintain the services we have, with legislative leadership locked into an agenda to drive down those services, and no real sense of how the Governor will protect long-held priorities​ of Iowans.

Iowa’s real performance on school funding is not close to what the Governor is advertising.

The tax bill puts the rhetoric of politicians and economic charlatans to the test — a test of trickle-down economics. It has never worked and will fail again.

When you look beyond the early years of this plan, you see that low- and middle-income Iowans are whacked by this plan in 2027.